Legal Analysts and Commentator

  The Maputo Protocol stands as one of Africa's most progressive and comprehensive legal instruments, designed to protect and promote the rights of women across the continent. Officially titled the "Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa," it was adopted in Maputo, Mozambique, in July 2003. Its 32 articles cover a broad range of women's rights issues, including political participation, reproductive health, protection from harmful practices, and sexual violence. However, despite signing the Maputo Protocol in 2006, Somalia has yet to ratify it, delaying the country's ability to fully protect women and girls under its provisions. This article makes a case for the ratification and implementation of the Maputo Protocol in Somalia, with a focus on critical areas such as female genital mutilation (FGM), women's participation, and sexual offenses. Somalia’s commitment to ratifying this protocol is vital for

Mayor Abdilkarim Mooge, known for his penchant for self-promotion, hastily issued a statement late last night, attempting to distance himself from the tragic incident. However, in his rush to absolve himself of responsibility, he conveniently overlooks the fact that he often basks himself in the credit for the positive actions of his staff. This selective disavowal risks painting him as politically opportunistic, exploiting situations for personal gain while evading accountability for the actions of his administration. Such actions undermine the trust and credibility he seeks to maintain with the public, as they see through the facade of empty statements devoid of genuine empathy or commitment to justice

Somaliland has long been a region of complex clan dynamics and political turbulence. However, recent events have brought simmering tensions to a boiling point, particularly within the Garhajis Clan, who considers themselves the vast majority of Somaliland's population and resides in five of the six regions in the Somaliland territory. On August 2023, a significant decision emerged from the clan leaders of the Habar Jelo sub-clan of Isaaq, a pivotal moment in the political landscape of Somaliland. The decision aimed to resolve a contentious political dispute over the election timetable, which had previously sparked violence and unrest. The resolution, welcomed by all parties involved, signified a step towards stability and democratic progress in the region. Central to the resolution was the decree to hold a presidential election in November 2024, aligning it with the qualification elections of political parties. Additionally, the clan leaders instructed the Garhajis clan militia

  In recent years, the Somaliland National Intelligence Agency (NIA) has faced mounting scrutiny for its alleged involvement in illegal detentions, marking a serious violation of both national laws and fundamental human rights principles. One particularly alarming incident has cast a harsh light on the agency's conduct: the detention of a journalist who was subsequently tried in a military court. This event not only underscores concerns about the NIA's overreach but also highlights the misuse of military courts, which should strictly preside over cases involving armed individuals committing crimes. Somaliland's Constitution stands as the supreme law of the land, providing a foundational framework for governance and the protection of citizens' rights. Article 104, known as "The Courts and Procuracy of the Armed Forces," explicitly delineates the jurisdiction of military courts. It states that these courts are intended to try armed individuals for offenses rel

  Somaliland and Ethiopia have embarked on a historic accord, marking a significant milestone in regional diplomacy. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) involves the lease of a 20 km square area of sea territory by Somaliland to Ethiopia for a period of 50 years. However, the agreement goes beyond mere territorial utilization; it signifies a substantial diplomatic shift, with Ethiopia promising full recognition of Somaliland's sovereignty within the MoU framework. The leased sea territory holds immense strategic value due to its location along the Red Sea Gate. This location provides Ethiopia, a landlocked nation, access to the sea, facilitating trade and maritime activities crucial for its economic growth. It serves as a vital gateway for Ethiopia's imports and exports, bypassing the congested Djibouti ports. For Somaliland, the agreement translates into significant economic gains. The lease payments from Ethiopia over the 50-year period will inject substantial capital i

  Female journalists in Somaliland and Somalia grapple with multifaceted barriers within societal norms and media institutions, hindering their professional growth. They face gender biases, limited roles, and insufficient support, impeding their recognition and opportunities in journalism. These challenges highlight the urgent need for equitable support, resources, and recognition, emphasizing the necessity for inclusive efforts to empower female journalists and break down systemic barriers in the field.

  Clan rivalry in Somaliland has become a critical issue, undermining not only its democratic institutions but also the societal fabric that holds the country together. While democracy should offer a platform for merit-based leadership and accountability, clan politics have hijacked this process, reducing political engagement to a mere tribal contest. One of the most troubling aspects of clan politics is its influence over Somaliland’s educated youth and intellectuals. In theory, the youth—especially university students and lecturers—should be at the forefront of advocating for progressive policies, holding political leaders accountable, and guiding society toward development. Unfortunately, the reality is quite the opposite. Clan elders, who traditionally wield significant social and political power, continue to dominate the political landscape by rallying the youth under the banner of clan loyalty. Instead of raising critical thinking and promoting national interests, these elders

Introduction: The collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991 left a vacuum in the country’s economic and political infrastructure, leading to a period of uncertainty. Despite this instability, Somaliland managed to rebuild key sectors, including telecommunications and banking. In the absence of a centralized government, the private sector stepped in to fill the void, with the first telecommunication companies emerging in the early and mid-1990s. These companies introduced a new era of connectivity, transforming Somaliland into a hub of technological growth and economic opportunity. By the mid-1990s, private telecommunication companies began offering basic services, catering to the increasing demand for reliable communication in the region. Over time, these companies grew exponentially, with the introduction of mobile banking services like Zaad and E-Dahab further revolutionizing daily life. The adoption of these platforms brought an unprecedented level of convenience to Somalila